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/ Holy Roman Empire Chapter 405 – Chapter 405: Chapter 92, The Diplomatic Skills of the British
Chapter 405: Chapter 92, The Diplomatic Skills of the British
Since neither side wanted to fight, negotiations were the only option. On May 2, 1866, representatives from France and Austria engaged in secret talks in Naples.
The interests of the Kingdom of Sicily were just the appetizer; the main course was the grand strategy for the two countries to divide up the European continent.
When interests are at stake, overnight enmities are forgotten. The military conflicts between France and Austria were tacitly blamed on the British by both parties.
After all, the British weren't present to defend themselves, so letting them take the blame suited everyone.
Compared to the Franco-Austrian contradictions, the contradictions between England and France, and even England and Austria, were actually much deeper. In Franz's view, the Anglo-Austrian contradictions were even deeper than the Franco-Austrian ones.
The British meddling on the African continent severely affected Austria's African strategy, and for Franz who aimed at the localisation of Africa, this was intolerable.
By comparison, the Franco-Austrian contradictions were more manageable; before the division of the European continent, the two countries had a series of interests to exchange.
Under the guise of common interests, the contradictions between the two sides could be suppressed.
On the other hand, the conflict over African colonies between Anglo-Austria was difficult to resolve, with John Bull's meddling nature, it would be surprising if he could sit idly by while Franz completed his strategic deployment!
It was Austria's national policy not to get involved in conflicts with two major powers simultaneously, so for safety's sake, it was now necessary to drag the French down into the gutter.
This round of strategic negotiations to divide the European continent was meant to cheat Napoleon III, as long as the French took the first step, they would be waiting to be isolated!
Not the kind of isolation that small countries are wary of; that's hardly worth mentioning. Only the hostility of the major powers could truly trouble the French.
To some extent, Franz didn't mind if the French strategy was successful. Only then could they truly cripple the French Empire.
Just imagine, a France plus three-quarters of the Italian area plus Belgium plus all territories west of the German Rhine, would such a behemoth appear, leaving no choice but an Anti-French Alliance?
Yet this pit was exactly the strategic plan of the French in the original timeline. No, in the original timeline, Napoleon III planned to swallow all of Italy; with the rise of Austria, that had now been downscaled.
The Franco-Austrian War was part of their strategy to annex Italy, only Napoleon III botched it during the actual implementation.
In the pursuit of annexing Luxembourg and Belgium, a European crisis even erupted, which was jointly suppressed by England, Russia, Prussia, and Austria.
The strategy that Franz proposed to divide Europe was almost a replica of the French strategy, taken to bamboozle Napoleon III.
However, France's military strength was insufficient ten years ago, and Napoleon III had just ascended to the throne amidst the Near Eastern War, daring not take any risks.
Now, with the military strength of France having developed and the Russians weakened, unable to interfere in European affairs for the time being, Napoleon III's ambition naturally couldn't be contained.
Reaching out to the Two Sicilies was for testing Austria's reaction; now that the results are out, it's naturally time to quibble.
If Austria can't be given enough benefits, even to bamboozle Napoleon III, he wouldn't dare to directly push this crazy strategy.
Only if there are mutual interests, and both parties take action together, can Napoleon III be reassured.
The involved interest exchanges are too numerous, touching on many aspects, and these negotiations are destined to be protracted. Compared to that, getting rid of Francis II is hardly worth mentioning.
Meanwhile, the Prusso-Russian war erupted again, and the British proved reliable, as usual. Although they failed to find allies for Russia in Europe, they still achieved some results in Central Asia.
Under British planning, at the end of April 1866, the Samarcan people erupted in a massive anti-Russian uprising, initiating a wave of resistance to Tsarist rule in Central Asia.
The British not only sponsored the Rebel Army's weapons but also formed a volunteer force—8,000 Gurkha mercenaries—to help the Central Asian people shake off the rule of the Tsarist Government.
The Gurkha mercenaries are one of the top three mercenary groups in the world. They once defeated a 30,000-strong British Army with only 12,000 men armed with outdated equipment, earning British recognition and stepping onto the world stage.
If their population were not so small, they might have become a military powerhouse. They were undefeated across the whole of South Asia.
The Central Asian Khanates not yet conquered by the Russians were also compelled by the British to join the battlefield, including Afghanistan. In a short time, there were hundreds of thousands of anti-Russian armed forces in Central Asia.
By mid-May, Tashkent, the largest city in Central Asia, had fallen, and Russian rule in the region was in jeopardy.
To cope with the crisis in Central Asia, the Tsarist Government was forced to redeploy troops from the Caucasus region to reinforce the Central Asian battlefield.
Looking at the combat map, Franz knew the Russians were in big trouble. With any misstep, their years of efforts in Central Asia might be for naught.
If not for their earlier aggression towards the Central Asian Khanates, the situation might have been somewhat better. Normally, these countries would not dare provoke the Russians.
However, the situation was no longer normal. Everyone became aware of Russia's ambition; with no room for compromise and in self-defense, they had to seek alliance with the British.
Now that the big brother was calling them to battle, the Khanates had no choice but to tough it out. If they offended the British again, their end would be sealed.
Franz asked, “With Russian troops withdrawn from the Caucasus region, it's the Ottomans' chance. Do you think the British can persuade the Sultan Government to kick the Russians while they are down?”
Prime Minister Felix answered, “It's hard to be certain. Although there are calls for war within the Ottoman Empire, the Sultan Government is still deep in the shadow of their defeat in the Near Eastern War, and they dare not challenge the Russians.
They also cannot ignore the stance of the British. The Ottoman Empire's survival depends on the protection of European nations, and the British are the most important part of their foreign policy.”
We have already quietly expressed our position; if the French demand that the Ottomans send troops again, the Sultan Government is very likely to be forced onto the battlefield.
Currently, the Paris Government is still hesitating, but as soon as Napoleon III decides to pursue a European strategy, continuing to weaken the Russians becomes a necessary choice.”
In fact, not only the French position, but if Austria openly requests the Ottoman Empire to send troops, it would also create huge pressure on the Sultan Government.
The Russians' ambition toward the Ottoman Empire has never faded, it can be said that the Sultan Government is the most eager to see the Russians' misfortune.
The only problem is that those who experienced the Near East Wars have not yet been phased out of power, and the younger generation has not taken the dominant position in the government.
The old guys are scared; in the recent “Turkish-Russian Wars,” they have all ended in defeat and lost confidence in defeating the Russians.
What's uncomfortable is that even if they don't attack the Russians, the Russians won't let them go either. Just open the history books and you will know that the twenty-yearly “Turkish-Russian Wars” have become a part of everyone's life.
Until the next “Turkish-Russian War,” there is at most a decade left, this is a historical pattern, there have been no exceptions in two hundred years.
Without the support of European countries, the Sultan Government does not have the confidence to take on the Russians alone, even if their social reforms have begun to bear fruit, the gap in strength between the two sides is still huge.
In this context, the stance of England, France, and Austria is crucial for them. Moreover, England and France are their creditor nations, in control of their domestic finance; when the London Government sneezes, the Ottoman Empire's economy suffers a turbulence.
Historically, the French were able to use economic means to draw the Russians into the fray, and now the influence of England and France over the Ottomans has gone even further.
Franz said with a smile, “So, the Prussians must hope that God bless Napoleon III to make up his mind sooner!”
He was very pleased with the current situation. The British had stirred up such a commotion in Central Asia, completely beyond his expectations.
However, thinking about it, it made sense; even rabbits will bite when cornered, and for their self-preservation, the Central Asian Khanate must cooperate with the British at this time.
Everyone laughed heartily, as for the Russians, Central Asia was just a minor irritation; even if it was all lost, the Russian Empire would still be the Russian Empire.
The Allied Forces organized by the British in Central Asia were riddled with internal conflicts; they could only barely cooperate under the pressure of the Russians, and once the Russian threat disappeared, infighting would occur.
Thinking these people could advance into the interior of the Russian Empire was wishful thinking; if they were capable, Franz would certainly not be unaware of it.
As for the Ottoman Empire, even reclaiming the Caucasus region would keep them busy for many years. They might have threatened the Russians further up until the last century.
The Vienna Government has always enjoyed anything that can weaken the Russians without threatening the life of the Tsarist Government.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg said, “Your Majesty, the British have made progress not only in Central Asia but also in the Far Eastern region.
With their instigation, the Japanese expelled the Russian Army from Tsushima Island. In that ancient empire in the Far East, there has been a struggle between the coastal defense faction and the frontier defense faction, with the latter currently prevailing.
Perhaps they will also create a disturbance, unfortunately, the telegraph network is not fully operational, so we are not clear on the current specifics.”
Franz was startled; could historical events be occurring ahead of schedule? It was not impossible, as this was the weakest period for the Russian Empire, clearly a good time to reclaim lost territories, and there might be unexpected gains.
After pondering for a moment, Franz casually remarked, “The Far Eastern region is too distant, and it won't affect the European Region; even if the Russians lose the Far East, it won't have a major impact.
The outcome of the Prusso-Russian war will still be decided by themselves, and at most, the British can only distract the Russians and deplete the Tsar's purse.
Unless they can persuade Sweden to take action, the Kingdom of Prussia will have to rely on itself. These potential allies can't really offer much assistance after all.”
While these actions tied up a large number of Russian troops, the Tsarist Government was not short on soldiers.
No matter how much they were distracted, the number of Russian troops on the Prusso-Russian battlefield would not decrease. Unless the Swedish took action, which would constrain the Tsarist Government due to the supply of materials, preventing them from maintaining the large army at the front.
This is determined by geography; in both Central Asia and the Far Eastern region, the transport of strategic materials is towards the East; whereas for Sweden and the Prusso-Russian front, some of the routes for strategic materials overlap.
For the Berlin Government, other allies are just so-so; only the Swedish can have an immediate effect.
Minister Weisenberg analyzed, “That might be difficult, the Swedish Government shows no signs of joining the war, and the British can't offer more chips.
The promised benefits all have to be seized from the hands of the Russians. This kind of gaining something for nothing has been played too often by the London Government, and it simply cannot achieve its intended effect.
The Kingdom of Prussia is in an even worse situation; they want to convince Sweden to join, but they can't even offer the necessary chips.
Charles XV has demanded the Prussians withdraw from the Kingdom of Denmark, and the Berlin Government agreed only to give up the Jutland Peninsula; Schleswig and Holstein, they dare not let go.”
For the Kingdom of Prussia, both Schleswig and Holstein are now crucial; only by raising the banner of nationalism can they prevent Austria from siding with the Russians in war.
With the legitimate cause of German recognition, they get people to donate money and supplies, plus volunteers who bring their food to die for the cause.
Including Austria, volunteers have run to support the Kingdom of Prussia, whether that has anything to do with the Vienna Government is not for outsiders to discuss.
In any case, the German National Unity Committee, the German Civil Art Exchange Committee… and various other organizations dedicated to the unity of the Germany Region, are all vigorously supporting the Prussians in their fight against the Russians.
If they give up Schleswig and Holstein, this support would no longer exist, and the absolute neutrality of Austria's foreign policy might change.
Chapter end
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